Phenomenology and Mind https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/pam <p><em>Phenomenology and Mind</em> is an international, interdisciplinary journal currently run by several Research Centres of Vita-Salute San Raffaele University.<br>Born as a space of arguments and comparison of phenomenological and analytical philosophical research.<br><em>Phenomenology and Mind</em> currently publishes the proceeding of the annual PhD School of Vita-Salute San Raffaele Faculty of Philosophy, with world-renowned invited speakers; and a second issue through call for papers on a special topics.</p> Firenze University Press en-US Phenomenology and Mind 2280-7853 On the Notion of Political Agency https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/pam/article/view/7335 AAVV Virginia Sanchini Francesca Pongiglione Roberta Sala Copyright (c) 2019-09-10 2019-09-10 16 10 15 10.13128/Phe_Mi-26068 Vulnerable Identities: Political Agency and the European Court of Human Rights Case Law https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/pam/article/view/7336 <p>The aim of this paper is to analyze the effects of the vulnerable group-based approach in the case law of European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). ECtHR mostly use the notion of vulnerability to identify, isolate and protect some specific groups of population. I will highlight two important effects of these policies: the construction and affirmation of stable identities and the consequent limitation of the political agency of the social actors through the boundaries defined by the list of the available vulnerable groups. I will conclude the paper by providing a different, multifaced conception of vulnerability meant to take into account at the same time its universality and its specificity.</p> Luca Iacovone Copyright (c) 2019-09-10 2019-09-10 16 18 25 10.13128/Phe_Mi-26069 Revitalizing Political Agency: Contextual Politics against Discrimination https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/pam/article/view/7337 <p>This article centres on the predicament of political discrimination insofar as inclusive policies fail to address it and end up impoverishing political agency. On the one hand, inclusion plays out as a powerful political tool, as people are believed to gain access to forms of recognition granting legal protection and social visibility. On the other hand, however, my claim is that most models of political inclusion require people’s adhering to fixed policy matrixes that do not allow the articulation of forms of life falling short of the standards that these matrixes incorporate. The following analysis will be devoted to foregrounding the limits of inclusion and to advancing an alternative model that revitalizes political agency by valuing practices carried out in smaller social networks of solidarity – ones that entail some sort of normativity but are characterised by fluidity and proximity. On this alternative account, inclusion comes to be reframed as a web of relations and relocated within the subject’s reach. Whether in a vertical or a horizontal exchange, the subject becomes part of a collective that is not configured as the mainstream or the majority, nor does it saturate the subject’s life. Rather, inclusive processes appear as sectional moments of renegotiation and rearticulation of one’s subjectivity exposed to the constant flux of daily interactions.</p> Valeria Venditti Copyright (c) 2019-09-10 2019-09-10 16 26 35 10.13128/Phe_Mi-26070 Citizenship and Political Agency. A Focus on Forms of Participation for Immigrants at Local Level https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/pam/article/view/7338 <p>Immigrants’ political agency is undermined by political marginalization and disenfranchisement. Standardly citizenship acquisition is considered the key to improve immigrant’s exercise of political agency. By contrast, I propose, following Bauböck (2015), a “system of differentiated membership rights” that complements citizenship acquisition with the right to vote in local councils (based on a ius domicilii principle) and with law-making procedures based on a proportionality principle (Brighouse &amp; Fleurbay, 2010). Distribution of power should hence be determined in proportion to people’s stakes in the decision under consideration and any time specific issues related to immigrant’s life arise, they should be provided with special tools (such as veto power) to stop any abuse from the majority.</p> Silvia Mocchi Copyright (c) 2019-09-10 2019-09-10 16 38 48 10.13128/Phe_Mi-26071 From “Nobodies” to “Somebodies”: Immigrants’ Struggle between Surviving and Political Agency in Times of Crisis Governance https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/pam/article/view/7339 <p>Immigration has become one of the most discussed issues in global political agendas and presents several criticalities. Such criticalities span from immigration management by local, national and transnational institutions, to the enormous flow of people moving across the globe without any certitude about their situation, and the repercussion of this phenomenon on each State’s both internal and foreign policies. All of the above-mentioned crucial situations pose questions which cannot be avoided, yet, don’t have any simple answers. However, for political-philosophical discourses, immigration also exposes in a very critical way what appears to be the inner limits of political analysis, which doesn’t take the complexity of such phenomenon into account. This complexity is not something conjunctural, as various rhetoric of “crisis” would suggest, but it is rather structurally part of the system itself in which it manifests: the contemporary immigration form is namely one of the many faces of what is known as “globalization”, which is essentially connected with the so called “Neo-liberalism”* in politics and “Advanced Capitalism” in economy. In a general framework, impersonal dynamics seem to rule the world by the exercise of global governance that appears to put into question the same political capacity of classically conceived “National States” as primary political actors. Here, uncountable flows of human beings are put in extreme conditions that, on one hand, urge politics itself to elaborate new strategies and, on the other hand, make visible the inner political attitude of these people, who in most of the cases resist, refuse to die, and claim for a decent life.</p> Gaetano Marco Latronico Copyright (c) 2019-09-10 2019-09-10 16 50 56 10.13128/Phe_Mi-26072 Vulnerability, Responsibilities and Migration https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/pam/article/view/7340 Vulnerability is commonly considered as a feature of human beings on which our duties towards each other are grounded: we ought to help the vulnerable in virtue of their being such. Our duties seem rather clear when those in need are close to us, both physically and culturally, but less so when they are distant in either of the two senses. In this essay we wish to investigate the strength of our duties towards migrants, who are often either culturally or physically distant, yet vulnerable by definition – fleeing from wars, dictatorships, poverty, climate change, or other calamities. The view we aim to defend, is that our duties towards them, unlike what has been suggested by David Miller, are duties of justice, not of beneficence, and involve duties to host. This, we claim, is owed to migrants’ very vulnerability, which is not due to some kind of misfortune, but, eventually, to some form of injustice. We will also claim that taking into account migrants’ own responsibility, either as individuals or as members of a collectivity, is of no practical use when establishing our duties to host them. Francesca Pongiglione Roberta Sala Copyright (c) 2019-09-10 2019-09-10 16 58 66 10.13128/Phe_Mi-26073 The Metamorphosis of Aliens into Political Agents https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/pam/article/view/7341 <p>Considering being political not as a status, but rather as an act that demands both capacity and action as its necessary conditions, I see being a political agent not as a permanent condition, but rather in a twofold dimension of potentiality and actuality. Moreover, I contend that the right to vote is not a necessary, nor a sufficient condition for being a political actor, although such a right can enhance our possibilities of having a say, augmenting one’s degree of political agency. This means that those individuals who are deprived of the right to vote, undocumented migrants in particular, can nonetheless be political agents in the polity. Indeed, notwithstanding the importance attached to the right to vote and to citizenship as fundamental for political participation, I claim that undocumented migrants are political although lacking the legal voting means of participation. Although much of the debate around migrants’ political participation has centred around the extension of the right to vote to migrants, there are in fact other rights that require attention. Moreover, even if we consider the right to vote as essential to protect people from abuses granting them a say within the polity, the arguments that have been proposed fail when it comes to recognize the rights and the political agency of undocumented migrants. In my understanding, migrants become political agents by their very same acting in the city, deserving to be heard and let free to express themselves in voicing their claims as subjects of justice, autonomous individuals, final units of our moral concern.</p> Elettra Repetto Copyright (c) 2019-09-10 2019-09-10 16 68 77 10.13128/Phe_Mi-26074 Why Not a Philosopher King? and Other Objections to Epistocracy https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/pam/article/view/7342 <p>In this paper I will examine epistocracy as a form of limiting the political agency of some citizens (by removing their political rights) and offer an internal critique of it. I will argue that epistocracy runs into a number of logical and epistemic problems in trying to define who should be the members of an epistocratic polity. Furthermore, I will argue that the argument for epistocracy cannot ignore unjust background conditions. I will also suggest that some of the problems epistocracy attempts to correct can be solved in a more just way, while preserving democracy.</p> Dragan Kuljanin Copyright (c) 2019-09-10 2019-09-10 16 80 89 10.13128/Phe_Mi-26075 The Social Bases of Self-Respect. Political Equality and Epistemic Injustice https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/pam/article/view/7343 <p>This paper investigates the limitations of the ideal of political equality under non-ideal circumstances and focuses specifically on the way in which structurally unjust social contexts endanger individuals’ perception of their own worth. Starting from Rawls’ definition of the social bases of self-respect as a primary good to be fairly distributed, the paper main goal is to provide normative arguments in favor of a power sensitive theory of political agency. A power sensitive theory, in fact, proves to be necessary as it sheds a light over the way in which power relationships affect the very possibility, for some members of the constituency, of fully enjoying the status of political reflexive agents. Against this background, in the paper I defend two main theses. First, I argue that the contemporary debate concerning the implementation of the ideal of equality within liberal democracies has been overlooking the epistemic dimension of the basis of political equality. Second, I claim that specifying the epistemic dimension of political equality has at least two important effects. a. It is important from the perspective of conceptual analysis, as it allows to properly distinguish between the normative job played by moral arguments on the one hand, and the epistemic aspects of political equality on the other hand. b. The specification of the epistemic aspects of political equality has at least on important normative upshot, namely the possibility to show that epistemic forms of injustice are detrimental to the very ideal of political equality as an essential feature of liberal conceptions of democracy.</p> Federica Liveriero Copyright (c) 2019-09-10 2019-09-10 16 90 101 10.13128/Phe_Mi-26076 The Political Dimension of an Enterprise’s Collective Agency https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/pam/article/view/7344 <p>What is the political dimension of an enterprise if it is taken as a collective agent? Referring to political collective agency, we can’t ignore the case of enterprises. Indeed, they have a collective agency, as we firstly point out in this article. The collective agency of the enterprise impacts the world in different ways that we secondly consider in this article. Enterprises have an impact on states, on citizens, on health, on the environment. They have an impact on employment and on the economy. As such, they contribute to the life of society. In the same way, law impacts them, but also consumers’ choices and local socio-economic context. In fact, enterprises must be concerned by corporate social responsibility, they have to care about human’s commons and this is a political issue without borders: it is today a prominent political question of equity for the citizen of the world. I offer an ontological account of political collective agency applied to the enterprise. According to this account, an enterprise is a specific kind of social object, which has several intrinsic properties. Put together these properties enable the enterprise to act as a group with a definite political significance.</p> Adélaïde de Lastic Copyright (c) 2019-09-10 2019-09-10 16 104 111 10.13128/Phe_Mi-26077 Phenomenology of Social Integration and Social Exclusion. An Essential Task of Political Collective Agency https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/pam/article/view/7345 <p>In this paper the author is going to talk about an essential task of political agency: social integration. He analyzes it from a phenomenological perspective, identifying its essential elements in order to achieve an eidetic view of it. The author roots the analysis of social integration in a stratified view of the social world that appears essentially composed of four different forms of social interaction: community interaction, characterized by solidarity relationships; territorial interaction, characterized by “conflicting” relationships (polemos); social interaction, based on standard models of behavior; and institutional interaction, based on laws that govern the public life. Social integration is stratified into these four forms of intersubjective life and is fully achieved only if it allows a real state of belonging and an actual participation in each of them. The policy plays a crucial role because integration is often a critical process that can cause social conflicts and that can not simply be left to the sensibility and will of those who live in the various contexts. Political agency should coordinate normative and cultural actions, so that norms are not simply imposed, but are assimilated by a citizenship aware of the social, ethical and political value of integration.</p> Marco Di Feo Copyright (c) 2019-09-10 2019-09-10 16 112 122 10.13128/Phe_Mi-26078