Italian Journal of Electoral Studies IJES - QOE https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/qoe <p><em><strong>Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale</strong></em><strong>&nbsp;(QOE) – Italian Journal of Electoral Studies (IJES) - </strong>is an international scientific journal dedicated to all different dimensions of elections and voting.</p> <p>Founded in 1977 by Mario Caciagli (University of Florence), QOE-IJES is a reference for electoral studies in Italy. Almost half a century later, QOE-IJES is now the official journal of the Italian Society for Electoral Studies (SISE) thanks to an agreement between the SISE and the Regione Toscana. The Journal aims at continuing publishing high-quality original papers from both Italian and international scholars, with the aim to further becoming a major outlet of elections and voting, public opinion, political behavior, and party studies in Italy and beyond.</p> <p>Along with the contributions of established scholars, the journal hosts and encourages the work of younger researchers.</p> Firenze University Press en-US Italian Journal of Electoral Studies IJES - QOE 0392-6753 Clarity of voter choices: neglected foundation for ideological congruence https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/qoe/article/view/9836 <p class="p1"><span class="s1">Ideological congruence between voters and governments is desirable, the wisdom goes, because it implies enactment of policies close to those preferred by voters. Party polarization plays a paradoxical role here: more polarization reduces voter-government congruence if parties making up a government move away from the center-ground where most individual voters are located; yet increasing polarization permits those governments’ policies to become more distinct in the eyes of voters. This paper investigates how political system clarity helps to resolve this paradox. We examine the interplay of several sources of clarity and, in particular, of the joint role of party and voter polarization. We argue and find that, if polarization of survey respondents increases in step with party polarization, this provides clarity that can override party polarization’s negative effect on voter-government congruence. But other types of clarity also play important roles in accounting for the range of values that congruence takes on.</span></p> Luana Russo Mark N. Franklin Stefanie Beyens Copyright (c) 2020 Luana Russo, Mark N. Franklin, Stefanie Beyens https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2021-01-23 2021-01-23 83 2 3 13 10.36253/qoe-9836 Decades of Party Distrust. Persistence through Reform in Italy https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/qoe/article/view/9590 <p class="p1">One common feature of the Italian political space over the past half century has been the presence of distrust in political parties and the presence of anti-system parties on both the left and the right. Discontent with existing elites and the political system has taken many forms, including referendums altering the electoral system. Both the character of the main parties and the rules by which they are elected have been reformed 4 times since the 1980s. However, as the elections of 2013 and 2018 and the referendum of 2016 demonstrate, Italians still have a high amount of resentment towards party elites and the operation of the system. Using data from Italian National Election Studies, this paper traces the development of this party resentment&nbsp;with a focus on three questions: 1) How has resentment towards party representiveness changed with the electoral and party reforms 2) Who was likely to hold this resentment 3) What was the party affiliation of those most resentful, or did they abstain? Results stress that socio-demographic differences had little effect on understanding the source of party resentment; distrust in parties correlates well with distrust in parliament and political administration. General social distrust did not translate into a distrust for parties. We conclude that discontent can be separated into a political dimension associated with current governance and one of a more systemic nature.</p> Matthew E. Bergman Gianluca Passarelli Fabio Serricchio Copyright (c) 2020 Matthew E. Bergman, Gianluca Passarelli, Fabio Serricchio https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2021-01-23 2021-01-23 83 2 15 25 10.36253/qoe-9590 Party guests or party crashers? Non-members’ political engagement across party organizations https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/qoe/article/view/9712 <p class="p1">Over the past decade, many parties have created new possibilities for affiliating and involving citizens, often rivalling the classic conception of party membership. So far, the existing literature has mainly focused on classifying these new and different types of affiliates. However, little attention has been paid to what these “non-full-membership” options imply in terms of formal rights and obligations. We explore here the opportunities that parties offer to non-members to participate and get involved in intra-party activities and we contrast them with the rights and obligations of full, fee-paying, traditional members. This article addresses this gap based on an original database consisting of membership rules in 68 parties in 13 established democracies. We not only map the current landscape of rules managing the involvement of non-members within parties, but also explore potential factors- party family and size- explaining the variation across parties. We find a strong association between party family and the range of possibilities for non-members’ involvement with parties on the left and environmental parties providing more space for the participation of non-members. We also find that smaller parties tend to involve more non-full-members by allocating more rights to them. Our findings and new database provide a first step for future research to study the regulation of the involvement of non-members in intra-party activities, what determines it, and how it affects the traditional concept of party membership and societal linkage.</p> Giulia Sandri Felix-Christopher von Nostitz Copyright (c) 2020 Giulia Sandri, Felix-Christopher von Nostitz https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2021-01-23 2021-01-23 83 2 27 44 10.36253/qoe-9712 Understanding public Euroscepticism https://oaj.fupress.net/index.php/qoe/article/view/9672 <p class="p1">Euroscepticism has become more and more embedded both at the EU and national levels (Usherwood et al. 2013) and persistent across domestic debates (Usherwood and Startin 2013). This study presents an in-depth analysis of contemporary narratives of Euroscepticism. It first introduces its question related to understanding public Euroscepticism, following the British EU referendum campaign and outcome, to then present the established literature, and the analysis of the British case study. A survey run in Britain in May 2019 shows that, as already noted by Oliver Daddow (2006, 2011), Euroscepticism is very much identifiable in the traditional narratives of Europe as the Other. Context accountability (Daddow 2006) is still cause for concern in Britain and by assuming a more positive view of a European Britain (Daddow 2006) does not make the debate more informed. Images, narratives and specific issues to reform the Eurosceptic toolbox into a more neutral, but informative, instrument could be applied at the grassroots level, as the post-referendum demonstrations and manifestations have shown. British citizens are reclaiming their own European citizenship, and deconstructing existing Euromyths can be a first small step forward.</p> Simona Guerra Copyright (c) 2020 Simona Guerra https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 2021-01-23 2021-01-23 83 2 45 56 10.36253/qoe-9672