Studi Slavistici <div><em>Studi Slavistici</em> is the <strong>Open Access</strong> journal of the Italian Association of Slavists (A.I.S.). It publishes academic articles, research and book reviews and informative essays. Its main aim is to foster specialized Slavic research and to make quality information available to a broader public of readers and Internet users. The journal also acts as a bridge between the academic tradition of Italian and European Slavic studies and the latest cultural trends in various Slavic subjects. Special attention is devoted to the literature, languages, culture and various art forms of all Slavic countries, but also to interdisciplinary approaches in methodology, inter-Slavic and Slavic-European literary, linguistic and cultural relationships.<em><br></em> <div class="grammarly-disable-indicator">&nbsp;</div> </div> en-US <p>Authors retain the copyright and grant the journal right of first publication with the work simultaneously licensed under a <strong>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Public License (<a href="">CC-BY-4.0</a>)</strong>&nbsp;that allows others to share the work with an acknowledgment of the work's authorship and initial publication.</p> <p><a href="" rel="license"><img src="" alt="Creative Commons License"></a><br>This work is licensed under a <a href="" rel="license">Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License</a></p> (Editorial Board) (Alessandro Pierno) Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000 OJS 60 Glossolalia, Heresy, Magism. A Contribution to the Exegesis of VC 16 <p>The controversy of Constantine-Cyril the Philosopher against the hierarchs of the Latin Church in Venice (VC 16) contains, as is well known, a long quotation from the first epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians (I Cor 14). In this passage scholars have especially emphasized the theme of the equality and dignity of all languages to praise God, and therefore the apologetic element in defence of the use of the Slavic language in the divine liturgy as an alternative to Greek and Latin. Taking into account the cyrillo-methodian conception of the linguistic sign and the attitude of the two missionaries towards the option between <em>glossolalia</em> and <em>prophecy</em> (the two “gifts” mentioned in I Cor 14), the article interprets the dispute by shifting the attention to the main theme of the introduction of the new Slavic alphabet, which is considered here more relevant than the question of language itself (some other works of the OCS literature are cited to illustrate this thesis, see e.g. the <em>Treatise on the Letters</em> by Hrabar, the <em>Proglas</em> to the Gospel, the <em>Azbu</em><em>č</em><em>na molitva</em>). Against the alleged exclusivism of the Latin letters, an implicit accusation of paganism and magism emerges at the address of the Latin bishops, as the term “trijęzyčnici” (триѩꙁꙑчници) also seems to allude.</p> Cristiano Diddi Copyright (c) 2019 Cristiano Diddi Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000 A Chapter in Linguistic, Literary, and Cultural Relations Between Montenegro and Italy: Stefan Mitrov Ljubiša <p>This paper assesses Stefan Mitrov Ljubisa’s interaction with Italy and Italian culture, history, politics, and language based on archival evidence and sources. It is evident that Ljubisa had great knowledge of Italian culture, especially its language and literature. He translated the poetry of Horatius, Ariosto, and Dante into Montenegrin. Ljubisa had a definite political agenda focused on the attainment of equality of nations and their languages in the Austro-Hungarian Empire.<span class="Apple-converted-space">&nbsp; </span>Standing up to proponents of Italian autonomy and language hegemony in Dalmatia, he focused on the Slavic culture and raised equality awareness among the Slavs in the Empire.<span class="Apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span></p> Miodarka Tepavčević Copyright (c) 2019 Miodarka Tepavčević Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000 The Evolution of Il’ja Zdanevič’s Thought in His Early Work <p>At the age of seventeen, Il'ja Zdanevič (1894-1975), best known as Iliazd, had the chance to read the Italian futurist manifestos and was immediately converted. In September 1911, impassioned by these new futurist ideas, he left Tiflis and went to Petersburg to study law. In addition to being influenced by Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, Zdanevič was also fascinated by Natal’ja Gončarova’s neo-primitivism, which drew inspiration from icons, folk woodcuts (<em>lubki</em>) and illuminations, and by Michail Larionov’s paintings, i.e., the art of signs and drawings on walls. As many futurists of the time, such as the members of “Gileja”, Zdanevič was attracted by the aesthetic of the future, on the one hand, and enchanted by icons and folk culture, on the other. Although Russian avant-gardists defined themselves with forward-looking names, such as <em>budetljane</em>, <em>buduščniki </em>and <em>futuristy</em>, in literature they sought the sources of language in its primitive manifestations, of which <em>zaum </em>is the prime example, and in painting they mainly investigated the basic elements, such as lines, figures, and light: Russian avant-garde research was dominated by the ἀρχή (<em>archē</em>).</p> <p>From January 1912 until the summer of 1913, Zdanevič was intensely active as a proponent of the new futurist theory. He wrote a short book on Larionov’s and Gončarova’s paintings, gave lectures on futurism, and added a controversial element to his creed: the fundamental principles of Russian art were Asian. The futurist propagandist introduced the bizarre and paradoxical idea that only victory of the ἀρχή could give rise to authentic avant-garde experimentation. However, during the summer of 1913, Zdanevič left futurism and founded a new movement called <em>Everythingism</em> (<em>Vsëčestvo</em>). He proposed a simultaneous literature (<em>Mnogovaja slovesnost’</em>) and, to achieve this purpose, he suggested to place words outside time and space and to set sound as their foundation.<span class="Apple-converted-space">&nbsp; </span>For this reason, his <em>zaum </em>language will always be anchored in phonetics, as we can see in his phonetic dramas of the well-known pentalogy <em>aslaablIchya</em>. It will be the theories of <em>Everythingism</em> that lead to Zdanevič’s participation in the group <em>41º </em>a few years later, at the height of absurdist creation.</p> Luigi Magarotto Copyright (c) 2019 Luigi Magarotto Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000 Depicting the Landscape: Andrej Belyj’s A Wind from the Caucasus and Armenia <p>Andrej Belyj (1880-1934) went to the Caucasus three times, in 1927, 1928 and 1929. He recollected these experiences in two travelogues, <em>A Wind from the Caucasus </em>and <em>Armenia</em>. The aims of this article are to analyse how the author describes the Caucasian landscape and to underline the importance of the visual element in Belyj’s portrayal of the region. On the one hand, descriptions maintain traditional Romantic elements stemming from the works of Puškin and Lermontov, but on the other, they show new, modern (and Soviet) references, for example to a newly built monument to Lenin or to the numerous factories established by the Soviet government in the area. The 19th&nbsp;century myth of a picturesque and wild Caucasus is therefore placed side by side with a new mythology of modernization and projection into the future.</p> Anita Frison Copyright (c) 2019 Anita Frison Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000 Intercultural Connections in Archetypal Stories Concerning the Protagonist’s Predestination <p>The paper seeks to provide a thematological analysis of folk tale types 461 and 930 (“protected by fate”) and to identify their thematic and motivic intersections of intercultural validity in terms of existential semiotics within the comparative frame of European and Asian literary traditions. The invariant semanteme of all mentioned myths, fairy tales or legends resides in the unsuccessful endeavour of a high-ranking, powerful man to kill a person predestined to become his successor. In many cases, the storyline of this thousand year-old motif also includes well-known biblical motifs, such as, massacre of the innocents, a heavenly sign and fulfilment of the prophecy.</p> Marianna Čechová, Simona Klimkova Copyright (c) 2019 Marianna Čechová, Simona Klimkova Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000 Biblical Quotes in the Work of Maximus the Greek <p>This paper focuses on the analysis of Gospel quotes which inform Maximus the Greek’s works. Taking into account the point of view of textual tradition, the aim of this preliminary study is both to verify the extent to which his quotes come from the traditional Slavic version of the sacred scriptures and to point out the exegetic relevance of any detected variant. Such a task requires a broad comparison with the Greek tradition and will be carried out referring to critical editions as well as to the corpus of textual nodes compiled by the Münster Institute for New Testament Textual Research (cfr. the series <em>Text und Textwert der griechischen Handschriften des Neuen Testaments</em>).</p> Alberto Alberti Copyright (c) 2019 Alberto Alberti Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000 The Publication of the Complete Collected Works of Maximus the Greek: The Beginning of the Project and the Plan for its Final Realization <p>Under the supervision of N.V. Sinicyna, the first and second volumes of the academic series of the collected works of Maxim the Greek were published in 2008 and 2014 respectively. The publication of these two volumes was the first step of a grandiose project, which promises to be a major event in Slavic studies. If the project is finished, the prospect of which has become less definitive after Sinicyna’s death in 2018, the series would conclude the preliminary stage in the evaluation of the writings of Maxim the Greek, and at the same time, open up new perspectives in the study of his writings. The author of the article, hoping that such an important undertaking will not stop at the second volume, offers a plan for completing the series. Some wishes are also expressed regarding additions to the already published volumes. In particular, it is absolutely necessary to include certain texts missing in the first volumes (translations and compilations among others) as well as commentary to the texts already published. Afterwards the publication of the series has to be continued. In order to face the problems that will arise in the process of preparing the next volumes, the author recommends to make use of the experience accumulated by Russian philologists. Indeed, they have published at a high academic level, multivolume series of complete collected works of each of the most prominent Russian writers. The questions that arise with the publication of every academic series of the kind includes the identification of autographs (if they are preserved), the attribution of the compositions, the selection of the main version for each of them, a critical analysis of its drafts and of the variants relevant for publication, the models of the historical, literary and real commentaries, the selection of a bibliography, and the required indices. In the case of Maxim the Greek, the publisher should take into account his extraordinary biography as far as it is reflected in his works, his encyclopedic erudition, the extensive manuscript tradition of his works, and different strata of manuscript evidence. If the work is completed according to the proposed plan, the collected works by Maxim the Greek might become a model for similar publications of other Old Russian writers.</p> Dmitrii Mikhailovich Bulanin Copyright (c) 2019 Dmitrii Mikhailovich Bulanin Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000 For a Lexical Analysis of Maximus the Greek’s Works <p>Michael Trivolis’ life history, together with his fervent activity as a translator, lead us to speculate on the particular attention that he was to pay to lexical features in his own works, regarding, for instance, the attribution of new and/or different meanings to traditional lemmas or the introduction of new terms. In order to verify this hypothesis, we examined the occurrences within his works of some key concepts from medieval and humanistic culture. This paper focuses on the terms <em>pазумъ</em> and <em>самовласть/самовластие </em>in the texts included in the first two volumes of the new edition of Maximus the Greek’s works edited by N.V. Sinicyna. The results of the survey are compared with the reconstructed semantics and contexts of use of the chosen words in previous literature, on the basis of the occurrences in the historical section of the National Corpus of the Russian language as well as in a selection of dictionaries of Old Slavonic and Church Slavonic. The analysis allowed us to highlight the deep knowledge of the church fathers, on which the thought of Maximus the Greek was based, and the important role of his Italian experience and the knowledge of Savonarola’s works in his intellectual training.</p> Maria Chiara Ferro Copyright (c) 2019 Maria Chiara Ferro Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000 Maximus the Greek’s Speech on Instability and Unrest (Slovo o nestroenijach i bezčinijach). On the sources of Vasilija’s Lament <p>This work by Maximus the Greek, probably written in the middle of the century, has as its protagonist an allegorical personification, a woman named Vasilija, crying, dressed in widowhood &nbsp;and surrounded by wild beasts, in dialogue with a wayfarer. Her &nbsp;long lamentation contains constant references to the severe vaticins of the Old Testament prophets and aims to illustrate the situation of disorder of the present epoch. The character recalls the image of the ‘virgin caste’ of Pauline origin (2 Cor.11, 1-2), present in the canzone of Savonarola <em>De ruina ecclesiae</em> with references to the Old Testament writings and the Apocalypse. Maksimus elaborates this Savonarolian model, also taking into account the canzone <em>De ruina mundi</em> and on the basis of a complex and well constructed biblical exegesis illustrates the allegory not only in relation to the Russian empire, but more generally in the universal horizon of history. By interpreting the relationship between earthly power and the ‘kingdom of heaven’ in an eschatological key, Maksimus gives a fundamental role to the prophetic figures of both the Old Testament and the history of the church in which the author, the wayfarer’s alter ego in dialogue with Vasilija, recognizes himself.</p> Marcello Garzaniti Copyright (c) 2019 Marcello Garzaniti Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000 Quotations from the Psalms in the Translation of St. John Chrysostom Homilies on Gospel of Maximus the Greek's Book Circle <p>Maximus the Greek dedicated the early period of his book activity in Russia to the translations of exegetical texts, such as the translations of the lost part of the <em>Catenae</em> on the Acts of the Apostles (1519 or 1520), the <em>Catenae </em>on the Psalms (1522), St. John Chrysostom’s Homilies on the Gospel of Matthew (1524), and St. John Chrysostom’s Homilies on the Gospel of John (1525). The article analyzes the quotations from the Book of Psalms represented in two translations of John Chrysostom’s homilies. It is established that when working on the translation of the homilies, not only their Greek original was used, but also the quotations were reconciled with the Church Slavonic versions of the Holy Scriptures. A relatively small amount of quoting of the Book of Psalms prevents the assumption of verification with several sources representing different versions of the liturgical text of the Psalter. The source, which was involved for verification of quotations, mainly followed Metropolitan Cyprian’s version of the 14th&nbsp;century. At the same time, this hypothetical source was characterized by some readings that preserve the more ancient features of the text of the Book of Psalms. There are also special Psaltery readings in the homilies that do not coincide with the readings of the previous versions of the Psalms. This indicates there was targeted editing of the Psalter readings when translating quotations, which was motivated by several factors, including: the intention to preserve the Greek word without translation; the difference in reading between the Psalter and the homilies; the context alignment; and searching for the most appropriate lexical and grammatical solutions for the translation.</p> Tatiana Viktorovna Pentkovskaya , Irina Mikhailovna Gnevsheva Copyright (c) 2019 Tatiana Viktorovna Pentkovskaya , Irina Mikhailovna Gnevsheva Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000 Писану видѣх / писано и вѣдах. About the Sources of Maximus the Greek’s Povest’ strašna <p>This article investigates the sources of the <em>Terrible and Memorable Narrative, and about the Perfect Monastic Lifestyle</em> (<em>По</em><em>вѣсть страшна и достопамятна, и о съвръшеном иночьскомъ жительст</em><em>вѣ</em>) by Maximus the Greek. To the Muscovite reader, the narrative represents the first account of the University of Paris, the Grande Chartreuse, the Carthusian monastic order, Girolamo Savonarola’s Florentine preaching and the Dominican monastic order. In the form we have it, the narrative results from the union of two different parts, the first being about the Kingdom of France and the second about Florence. The title refers to the first part, where the ‘terrible and memorable narrative’ concerns the story of the particular judgment of a doctor of the University of Paris, while ‘the perfect monastic lifestyle’ refers to the foundation of the first Carthusian monastery and the Carthusian order. In order to reassure his readers that he intends to tell the truth, Maximus states that the first part of his narrative is based on indirect sources and the second part on direct ones. The statement about the sources of the first part – истину пишу, юже самъ не точию писану видѣх и прочтохъ, но и слухом прияхъ от мужеи достовѣрных, сирѣчь добродѣтелию жития и премудростию многою украшеных, у них же азъ, зѣло юнъ сыи, пожих лѣта доволна – is unusual and seemingly misleading. In this paper the author seeks to recover the sense of the sentence, advancing two different hypotheses and testing them.</p> Francesca Romoli Copyright (c) 2019 Francesca Romoli Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000 Exegesis in the Translation of the Psalter of 1552 by Maximus the Greek <p>The article focuses on Maximus the Greek’s lexical revision in the Psalter of 1552. A wide range of lexical corruptions allow us to consider the text as a separate edition of a Church Slavonic Psalter. The grounds for lexical editing are various: inaccurate translations of the direct meaning of the Greek lexeme, non-contextual translations of polysemantic Greek words, and finally, the elimination of variable synonymous translations of the same Greek lexeme. However, along with the purely linguistic motivations of Maximus’s lexical substitutions, their exegetical conditionality is also evident: some of his preferred variants are determined by his interpretation of the Psalter text. The explanatory apparatus in this case is very rich, as we are dealing with the Annotated Psalter of 1522. We are talking neither about the textual influence, nor about conjectural emendations and particular corrections, but rather about consistent lexical decisions, incorporating exegetical meaning into the text. The author examines in detail some of these cases related to the influence of the tropological as well as the typological interpretation of the Psalter that Maximus was especially interested in. The lists of the Psalter of 1552 show that not all of Maximus’s lexical substitutions have been read adequately by the scribes, and some of these corrections have been replaced by traditional readings.</p> Inna Veniaminovna Verner Copyright (c) 2019 Inna Veniaminovna Verner Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000 On the Textual History of Maximus the Greek’s Collected Works (Paris, Man. Slave № 123) <p>The late 16th-century manuscript containing Maximus the Greek’s collected works, nowadays held in the National Library of France (Paris. Man. Slave 123), has attracted the attention of many contemporary scholars (А. Langeler, I. Ševčenko, M. Garzaniti, N. Sinicyna), who have studied its history as well as its text (in particular its glosses). In the introduction to the second volume of Maximus the Greek’s Works (2014), Sinicyna suggests that the archetype of this collection (the so-called Nižnij Novgorod-Paris Collection) should be considered primary in comparison to the Ioasaf and Chludov Collections. However, By means of thorough textological analysis of single works, the present article aims to challenge<span class="Apple-converted-space">&nbsp; </span>the conclusions of the main expert regarding Maxim the Greek’s textual heritage and to accurately place the Nižnij Novgorod-Paris Collection within the textual tradition. Through the analysis of glosses, insertions, and textual and grammatical variants, this article<span class="Apple-converted-space">&nbsp; </span>demonstrates how the process of redaction actually proceeded, leading us to a preliminary conclusion about the secondary nature of the text of the Nižnij Novgorod-Paris Collection if compared to its closest counterparts. Most likely, its protograph was compiled in the Trinity Monastery of S. Sergius during Maximus’ last years. A peculiarity of the textual history of the Nižnij Novgorod-Paris Collection is its correlation with the Ioasaf as well as with the Chludov manuscripts. This confirms Sinicyna’s intuition about the parallel development of the various collections, but does not demonstrate the primary character of the collection in 113 chapters. It is also important to define the place of the Nižnij Novgorod-Paris Collection within the range of late 16th-century collections: textological analysis of the first missives of Maximus show that the Nižnij Novgorod-Paris Collection is part of a larger group of manuscripts, such as the Rogožskoe Collection, which represents one of the main projects of 16<sup>th</sup>-century Russian scriptoria, but have nonetheless remained almost unstudied. It is likely the syntagmatic correlations between collections can be corrected by means of paradigmatic relationships.</p> Ludmila Ivanovna Zhurova Copyright (c) 2019 Ludmila Ivanovna Zhurova Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000 Russian Litterateurs Amidst Two Revolutions. Parting with Idyll and Retaining Freedom <p>Paying tribute to the historical collection of essays <em>Landmarks</em> (1909), I interpret the findings of five articles published in the previous issue of “Studi Slavistici” as contributions to our knowledge of how the Russian intellectual elite conceptualised and managed their intellectual, social and physical participation in and survival vis-à-vis the “Russian revolution”. I view the “Russian revolution” as a double, literary-political, or, rather, triple, mental-political-social, phenomenon which came about from the interaction of two Messianisms, socialist and national, suggesting a periodization which duly accounts for its literary/mental aspect: 1848-1930. Understanding “revolution of conscience” as a loss/overcoming of one’s naïve attitude to his or her intellectual-and-social habitus, I compare individual strategies of such ‘losers’ / ‘overcomers’ (Lev Šestov; Evgenij Zamjatin; Michail Prišvin; Vasilij Rozanov; Aleksandr Blok; Roman Jakobson; Vladimir Majakovskij; Vasilij Žukovskij) in coping with the social and political aspects of revolution. I claim that their experience is interpretable against the framework of a ‘competition between professions’ but for now I am able to map the situation in quite general terms only: as one of litterateurs being defeated by politicians whom I designate as ‘technologists of crowd’. In order to make the articles’ findings interoperable, and also compatible with my intentions, I reshape those findings from a literary-sociological perspective. I introduce, besides, two more historical figures: Aleksandr Herzen and Aleksandr Bogdanov, suggesting to view the experience of Herzen and Žukovskij as prototypical and the one of Bogdanov as an epitome of the kinds of experiences Russian intellectuals had within the historical cycle of the “Russian revolution”.</p> Jordan Ljuckanov Copyright (c) 2019 Jordan Ljuckanov Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000 The Letters of Ettore Lo Gatto to Piero Cazzola (1959-1979) <p>From 1959 to 1979 Ettore Lo Gatto was in close correspondence with Piero Cazzola. It appears that all of Lo Gatto’s letters are preserved, and they represent an interesting contribution to our knowledge of Italian Slavic studies history. In his missives, the dean of Slavic studies sends the younger scholar personal information, bibliographical suggestions, advice relating to study and research, news concerning the publication of essays, articles, reviews and the organization of national and international conferences and congresses. The result is a well-rounded self-portrait of the great slavist in his years of maturity, overshadowed by difficulties, sorrows and suffering, but nevertheless animated by a constant and exemplary passion for study, research and dissemination of the Slavic world. The collection of 76 letters bears witness to a deep friendship based on mutual esteem and fed by the admiration Cazzola had for the patriarch of Slavic studies in Italy: the latter, in his turn, was, at times ruthless in his opinions, but generous with his advice.</p> Giulia Baselica Copyright (c) 2019 Giulia Baselica Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000 Book Reviews <p>Book Reviews</p> Reviews Copyright (c) 2020 Book Reviews Mon, 20 Jan 2020 00:00:00 +0000